Thursday, April 26, 2007
Mass Media bulling up Griffins BNP !
Below is the text downloaded from The Times web site of the boost given to the BNP generally, but to Griffin in particular, in its issue of 19th April.
Compare the balanced tone, the friendly intimate family life observations, given in this Times article with the kind of pre-election publicity accorded to the National Front by that paper and the rest of the British media when the NF was on the boil in the 1970s.
A radical difference in treatment will become apparent immediately.
There HAS to be a reason for the difference.
Either the media has changed, or the nationalist movement (whatever its name) has changed.
It's worth remembering that that The Times is part of the global media empire of Rupert Murdoch, every element of which sustains an unremitting pro-Jewish, pro-Israel, pro Neo-Con, pro war in Iraq agenda.
In that context, it's also well to remember that the very first big lump of good personal publicity awarded to Griffin was in The Times in (I think) 2000.
The author of that item was Michael Gove, an ardent pro-Zionist, who along with Daily Mail columnist Melanie Phillips, used to bully Palestinian witnesses on BBC Radio 4's "The Moral Maze". Gove and his immediate boss on The Times, deputy-editor Danny Finkelstein, ran David Cameron's campaign to become leader of the Conservative Party, currently in opposition.
Finkelstein is also a regular Jewish Chronicle columnist, often alternating with Melanie Phillips.These people work in tandem with the Neo-Con clique in the Telegraph group, including Matthew D'Ancona, Charles Moore, Con Coughlin & Co., who tend to be philo-semitic Roman Catholics rather than Jews (though several have Jewish wives or other Jewish connections).
At the last general election Gove was successful in getting elected to Parliament.
He and Finkelstein are still reported to be leading lights in Cameron's strategy department.
In my view, Gove, Finkelstein & Co are using -- one might almost say running -- Griffin/the BNP, for the joint benefit of Jewry and the Conservative Party.
It's a kind of double-whammy:
Firstly, Jewry's promotion of Coloured Immigration into Britain produced, by The Law of Unintended Consequences, a challenger to its monopoly position of influence over Britain's venal body politic: the Muslims.The Jews want an anti-Muslim, anti-Islamic atmosphere whipped up in Britain so as to limit the size and influence of the Muslim component of the multi-racial population, but need to keep a distance from any such campaign.So they used their media patronage to induce the opportunist, careerist, cash-mad crook Nick Griffin to dump the BNP's opposition to multi-racialism and Jewish power and to adopt instead an anti-Muslim focus.
By this means the BNP "joins the mainstream".
Having been thus "modernised", Griffin/the BNP are now being used by Jewry as mercenaries, in just the same way that it deployed the Lebanese 'Christian' Phalangists to massacre Palestinian refugees in 1982; in just the same way that it is now deploying the American and British military to suppress potentially anti-Israel regimes in the Middle East.
Secondly, the Conservative Party obviously hopes to win the next general election. Parties wins elections not just by a attracting votes to themselves but by denying votes to their opponents.
It is not in dispute that so far the BNP has done best electorally in working class areas where for generations the Labour Party has dominated the scene to such an extent that the Conservative Party puts up only a token campaign.If in these local elections (with help from media headlines) the BNP can break the Labour Party's virtual monopoly grip on Town Halls within its heartland areas, then the attitude of a significant portion of the local electorate towards their "traditional" voting loyalty is also likely to fracture.
This will demoralise local Labour Party organisations and provide the Conservative Party with a great opportunity at the subsequent Parliamentary general election.
In a national election many of those who voted BNP in the local elections may continue to do so -- that's fine by the Tories; at least those votes are denied to Labour.But other voters, having once experimented with a new political partner, may become politically promiscuous. They may perceive the Conservatives as the more credible party of government ("a better provider") and so jump into bed with the Tories.
In sum: the BNP is being used. Griffin knows it.
He revels in the good fortune this brings his personal finances.
When he talks about "joining the mainstream" he is talking about a personal income stream, a money stream.
The vast majority of BNP members and voters (good at heart, but naive political dunces) cannot see what's going on behind the Union Jack bunting.
P.S. I note that Griffin told the Times reporter that he takes £1,800 from BNP funds as his salary. I am quite sure that this is not an accurate sum. It will not include "expenses" -- which will certainly double his monthly take -- to say nothing of his cut from sundry BNP "commercial" enterprises.
=====================http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/politics/article1672185.eceThe Times (supplement) - 19th April 2007
The British National Party gains strength
As a Government minister warns of the dangers of immigration, Martin Fletcher finds a swath of middle England ready to vote for BNP leader Nick Griffin -- a convicted racist who favours birching delinquent teenagers and paying immigrants to leave It is, at first sight, a vision of rural bliss -- a cream-coloured cottage high in the hills of Mid Wales and two miles from the nearest road. The daffodils are out. Lambs gambol in the fields. Chickens peck around the yard. In the side garden, beyond the rabbit hutch and fishpond, two blonde girls are playing in the sun. Look closer, however, and you spot the incongruities: the two rottweilers in their caged kennel, security cameras, the burglar alarm. You begin to suspect that the owner has chosen this house precisely for its inaccessibility. He has reason to.
Nick Griffin is leader of the whites-only British National Party and one of the most hated -- and, to his many detractors, hateful -- men in the country. He is a former National Front member, convicted of inciting racial hatred against Jews in 1998 and acquitted of similar charges against Muslims in two high-profile trials last year. He is a man who has called Britain a ³multi-racial hellhole², Islam a ³wicked, vicious faith², British Muslims ³the most appalling, insufferable people to have to live with², overt homosexuality ³repulsive² and the Holocaust ³the hoax of the 20th century². He has declared that ³nonwhites have no place here at all and [we] will not rest until every last one has left our land².
I am about to spend two days with Griffin before next month¹s local elections. Anti-fascist groups insist that the BNP should be denied the proverbial oxygen of publicity, but as the party gains strength with each successive election that stance becomes increasingly untenable. Nearly a quarter of a million people voted BNP in last May¹s local elections and elected 49 councillors. The party is putting up 750 candidates on May 3, double last year¹s tally, and may gain dozens more seats.
The BNP is Britain¹s fastest-growing party and it is absurd to hope that it will go away if ignored. The self-styled champion of indigenous Britons greets me in a T-shirt and green wellies. He is a youthful-looking 48 with a plastic left eye (he lost the real one when a shotgun cartridge exploded in a fire) who has spent the morning working on his two acres. As he goes inside to change, I chat to his wife Jackie, a specialist nurse in Powys. She and their four children -- three daughters and a son, ages 14 to 21 -- are BNP members, but she makes clear that she does not share all her husband¹s views. ³
There¹s some things you have common ground on and others you don¹t agree on,² she says, refusing to elaborate.
She clearly adores him, however. She frets about his safety. She calls him a ³hopeless romantic² but merely giggles when I ask for examples.Griffin reappears in a purple shirt and suit -- he disapproves of politicians dressing down, though he does wear a gold ear-stud.
He poses for pictures in his tiny office. The wallpaper on his computer screen reads: ³Haha, Dad you don¹t know how to change this back!!² There are trophies from his days as a Cambridge boxing Blue. There is also a framed Kipling poem which starts: ³It was not part of their blood/ It came to them very late/ With long arrears to make good/ When the English began to hate.² Griffin kisses Jackie goodbye, reminds her to water his newly planted aubretia, and we head off in his Ford Mondeo estate for the fertile BNP territory of West Yorkshire, with its immigrant populations of 10, 20 or even 30 per cent. In the back is a book recording the Scottish National Party¹s transformation from an extreme to a mainstream party.
Griffin¹s inspiration, however, is Jean-Marie Le Pen, the leader of France¹s far-right National Front, who turned ³a bunch of crazies into a serious political force². ³You¹re all lying scum,² he replies when I ask why he is letting a journalist accompany him. ³It¹s part of your job. But you can¹t say you¹re a normal party, then hide yourself away. There¹s nothing to hide.²That, of course, is the question. He tells me about a life spent mostly on the extreme right of British politics. His parents met while heckling a Communist Party meeting in North London in 1948. During the 1964 general election campaign, Griffin pedalled up and down the street outside his home in Barnet with Conservative posters on his tricycle. By 1974 his father, a Tory councillor and member of the right-wing Monday Club, was so dismayed by Britain¹s leftward drift that he took his family to a National Front meeting. Griffin, then 15, joined immediately. After graduating in law from Cambridge he worked for the NF in London, living on the dole. The party imploded during the Thatcher years. He quit in 1989.
In the mid1990s John Tyndall, the neo-Nazi demagogue who founded the BNP in 1982, lured him back into Far-Right politics. Griffin made statements condoning street violence. He received a nine-month prison sentence, suspended for two years, for alleging the existence of a Jewish conspiracy to brainwash the British people. In 1999, however, he ousted Tyndall as BNP leader and set about turning a bunch of neo-Nazi skinheads into an electable party.
The rhetoric was tempered, some of the worst rowdies left and suits replaced bomber jackets.
Griffin has earned his £1,800-a-month BNP salary.
The party won three council seats in Burnley in 2002. It now has 49 nationwide, and on May 3 Griffin expects to win many more in what he sarcastically calls ³enriched² areas such as inner Essex, the Black Country, West Yorkshire and Lancashire. The party will also be contesting seats in blue-rinse towns such as Harrogate, Bath, Windsor and Torbay. One recent poll suggested that 7 per cent of the electorate would consider voting for it. Griffin says that membership has risen from 1,300 in 1999 to 10,500, boosted by home-grown Islamic terrorist plots, globalisation and his dramatic acquittal in last year¹s race-hate trials. Critics insist that the BNP¹s move towards respectability is purely cosmetic. Griffin retorts, as we join the motorway, that it is ³deep and sincere².
He admits ³past stupidities², and says that he regrets the way that the BNP used to provoke confrontations or to discuss race in a way that was ³frankly crude, or cruelly and inaccurately supremacist². He is not racist, he argues.
He does not believe that whites are superior. He believes that races are different and that multiculturalism is a recipe for disaster. He opposes miscegenation ³because most people want their grandchildren to look basically like them². If the liberal elite had its way, the world would become ³a giant melting pot turning out coffee-coloured citizens by the million². The BNP no longer demands the recriminalisation of homosexuality, but Griffin still expresses disgust at the idea of two men ³snogging in public².
His revised views on the Holocaust are striking, too. He says that he derided the Holocaust only because the Left used it as ³a huge moral club² with which to beat opponents of multiculturalism. He now accepts that millions of Jews were killed, but claims that some historians (he cites David Irving) still question whether it was deliberate genocide.
The rules of warfare on the Eastern Front allowed 50 civilian hostages to be shot for each soldier killed in a partisan attack, Griffin states without trace of irony. ³When you consider that the communists claim the partisans killed at least 10,000 German soldiers, that would account for five million people being shot to death.²
Near Halifax we pick up Martin -- Griffin¹s hulking, 21st, shaven-headed bodyguard who bench-presses 500lb (227kg) but assures me that he is a ³nice pussycat really². Martin drives us to an evening meeting in Ripon. As we pass through Bradford he points to a mosque which, he claims, has a firing range beneath it. ³That¹s why we have a car with tinted windows,² Griffin adds. The BNP leader says that he can no longer visit Indian restaurants because ³I wouldn¹t know what¹s in the curry² and within 15 minutes there would be a crowd outside ³with iron bars and knives².In pockets of Britain the BNP is almost a mainstream party now, with ever more people daring to run for office or to put posters in windows. But it still prints its newspaper in Eastern Europe because British plants refuse to, has trouble renting halls and cannot advertise its meetings because they would be picketed. Potential supporters are instead instructed to gather at ³redirection points² and told where to go.
In Ripon the meeting point is the town square, where the local BBC radio station interviews Griffin. Ripon and Harrogate are ³lovely English towns and we believe they should stay that way. They can¹t if there are high levels of immigration,² he says. On our way to the meeting we pass a painting of a black inmate outside the Workhouse Museum. Griffin splutters. It was poor whites who suffered in workhouses, he says. About 70 people are packed into a back room of the Golden Lion pub, with not a skinhead or pair of Doc Martens in sight and more tweeds than T-shirts. They are male and female, young and old, working class and middle class, ex-Labour and ex-Tory, several of them Daily Telegraph readers. They are mostly solid Yorkshire folk who have watched immigrants transform areas in which they grew up and believe -- rightly or wrongly -- that their way of life is under threat. They are bewildered more than hate-filled. They are fearful more than fear-inspiring, and feel gagged by political correctness. They do not come from sink estates. They are stakeholders, people with something to lose.³We¹re being overwhelmed,² laments a retired Latin teacher. ³I¹ve nothing against other races. It¹s just that they keep flooding into the country to breaking point,² says a lorry driver. ³We can¹t invite the whole world to live in England,² says a former merchant marine officer. Few will give their names.
Griffin and his fellow speakers do nothing to calm their fears. Quite the opposite.
In a promotional video he decries the alleged banning of the cross of St George, Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs and even Piglet because the character offends Muslims. Against a background of soft music and beautiful scenery, a woman¹s voice decries the millions of foreigners of all races settling in Britain: ³The one thing they have in common is there are too many of them.² Michelle Shrubb, a candidate who lived in South Africa, says that a black crimewave is coming to Britain. Nick Cass, the BNP¹s Yorkshire organiser, declares that ³decent British people are fed up to the back teeth with seeing the country fall apart and being called racist when they want to do something about it². The merchandise table offers ³It¹s Cool to be White² T-shirts and ³I vote BNP because they look after me² bumper stickers. BNP candidates are presented with rosettes for daring to stand up and be counted.
Griffin humorously coaxes about £500 in donations from the audience, then answers questions for an hour. He puts on no airs and graces. He has a pint on the table beside him. He presents himself as an ordinary bloke, like his audience, who is fighting a corrupt elite that bleeds taxpayers for its disastrous social engineering projects and treats them with contempt. He is a shameless populist. He calls the rise of the BNP ³a peasants¹ revolt². He talks of ³our people², meaning whites. He mocks those who regard criminals as victims, advocates ³damn good thrashings² for wayward teenagers, and says of drug-dealers: ³Hang the bastards.² The audience loves it, but this is more than knockabout political rhetoric. Griffin firmly believes all this.
Party policy -- which he sets -- is draconian and xenophobic.
The BNP would deport all illegal immigrants, asylum-seekers and subversive foreigners, and offer existing immigrants money to return home. ³It¹s clearly worth talking in terms of six-figure sums to persuade families to go,² Griffin says. He would create civilian anti-crime patrols. Anyone who has done National Service would be allowed to keep guns to shoot burglars, and as ³a last resort against a tyrannical government².
He would restore hanging for the worst murderers, paedophiles, rapists and drug-dealers, and bring back the birch. He would abolish affirmative action programmes and hate-crime legislation, ban the promotion of homosexuality, prevent the NHS from recruiting foreign workers and stop women soldiers serving on the front line. State schools would restore mandatory (nonhalal) lunches and morning assemblies with Christian worship (minorities should ³either accept our ways or go somewhere else²). A BNP government would take Britain out of the EU and the European Convention on Human Rights. Remove the BNP label, Griffin claims, and most Brits would support these policies.
The next day we go to Dewsbury (³It¹s like living in Rorke¹s Drift,² says a local BNP councillor), where The Dewsbury Reporter refuses to interview Griffin. Some people greet him on the street but no one heckles. ³The English are very polite. If they don¹t like you they walk away,² he says. From a studio in Leeds he does a phone-in show for BBC Radio Wales, on which successive callers denounce him as a racist and fascist and he snarls back (³the usual Searchlight ambush², he says later, referring to an antifascist group). We visit Heckmondwike, where David Exley, a soft-spoken and rather impressive BNP Councillor, has persuaded Kirklees council to restore a run-down park (wards that vote BNP find shocked councils suddenly chucking money at them).
We then visit an old factory near Leeds that houses the BNP¹s recording studio, Great White Records. Griffin has written the lyrics for its first in-house album, The West Wind. One song begins: ³I wandered through my native land/ And stood aghast at what I saw/ As she wept under foreign hands/ No justice, truth or rule of law.² I suggest that Griffin¹s one good eye sees only the worst aspects of Britain. ³It¹s already a divided, sad, overtaxed, fearful place,² he replies. ³And it¹s going to be too unpleasant to put into words.² Between umpteen calls on his mobile phone -- one is about ways to use Simone Clarke, the ballet dancer identified as a BNP member -- I ask if Griffin sees any advantages to multiculturalism. Chicken tikka masala, he replies. And some good sportsmen, though he thinks that England¹s all-white 1966 World Cup footballers outperformed today¹s team because they had ³common values and identity². Then he lists the downsides -- a catastrophic loss of social cohesion, racial harassment and violence, spreading knife and gun cultures and old folk dying in nursing homes surrounded by staff who do not speak their language and feeling ³totally alone, alienated and in a foreign place². He warms to the theme, claiming that some Muslims deliberately use heroin -- ³Paki poison² -- to undermine nonMuslim communities around them. ³It¹s narco-terrorism.² Even worse, he says, is the way that hardline Muslim males deliberately seduce and corrupt ³thousands² of young white girls in a practice called ³grooming² that the authorities downplay for fear of being labelled racist. But surely the vast majority of Muslims in this country are good, law-abiding citizens? Griffin disagrees: ³The vast majority are entirely decent Muslims, but the better Muslims they are, the less good they are as British citizens.² The Koran orders them to obey the word of God, he says, not infidel governments: ³Democracy and Islam are absolutely incompatible.²
A Gallup poll this week suggested that 81 per cent of London-Muslims were ³loyal to Britain² compared with just 45 per cent of non-Muslims. In public Griffin appears personable and plausible. Talking in his car, he verges on the paranoid. Many British Muslims subscribe to a form of Islam that preaches a ³ruthless, aggressive imperialism², he says. Its goal is a world-wide caliphate. ³It¹s a takeover attempt,² he says, and it will end -- literally -- in civil war. Wherever an Islamic population establishes itself ³you get all sorts of bloodshed and horrors and there¹s no reason to think that this little part of the world will buck the trends of world history².
I ask, mischievously, if Griffin can see himself as Prime Minister. It¹s possible, he replies, though he says that he and Jackie have agreed that they don¹t want to live in London. He then spells out how: the US economy collapses, decades of Western economic growth come to ³a grinding, shuddering halt² and the people turn on the liberal elite. The only question, he says, is what will replace it -- a ³nativist backlash² or Islam. If the crash comes later than 2030 or 2040 ³the likely winners will be the Islamists purely because of demographics². The 60 people at that night¹s BNP meeting in a Batley pub are not thinking in such apocalyptic terms. They have more immediate and prosaic fears about the consequences of immigration -- their children being squeezed out of jobs and council housing, the emergence of no-go areas, the undermining of their rights and culture. ³We¹re frightened to be British,² says Ann Nailor, who runs five Age Concern shops. ³I feel alienated in my own community,² says Neil Feeney, a water company employee. ³People who read your paper have no idea about places like this,² said Marjorie Shaw, a former policewoman now in a wheelchair. ³The BNP are the only ones standing up for this country,² adds Lynn Winfield, a pub dishwasher. Griffin fans the flames. He calls the English ³one of the most oppressed peoples on earth². He says that when people like him try to speak out about real problems ³they try to throw them in jail². He says that bad laws should be broken. He calls global warming ³an excuse to say that we, the international elite, have to interfere with every sovereign state in the world, and if we don¹t you will sink by Thursday². When I take my leave, Griffin asks what I will write. That he is both the BNP¹s greatest asset and its greatest liability, I reply. He does not protest. He recalls something that he said earlier: ³I perhaps have too much baggage that won¹t be allowed to stay in the lost baggage office. I can take the BNP to a certain level, but to make the final push someone else may have to take over . . . I can go back to Wales and keep pigs. Tremendous.²